Thus, American politics isn’t about securing our interests as a
people or a nation. Instead, it is an endless argument about the
American Creed, the slogans handed down to us from our founding about
freedom and liberty and all men being equal. The Right and Left will
emphasize one slogan or the other, but the vocabulary is always the
same. And somehow, the more high-minded and abstract the rhetoric, the
more comfortably it serves the interests of those who already hold
Of course, the historic American nation, the white American core of
the polity, keeps the System creaking along, even as this indispensable
ethnic group is dispossessed and deconstructed by its own government.
But now, there’s a palpable sense the whole thing is breaking down.
Income inequality has all but destroyed social mobility, and the middle
class is collapsing. Radical social movements undermined traditional
values. Ethnic tensions destroyed social trust as the founding
population is gradually pushed aside in the country it created. And
basic responsibilities of the state such as the maintenance of
infrastructure, border security, and even the administration of justice
are starting to collapse even as the government struggles to hold
together a far-flung military empire.
In short, in terms of where we are in the historical development
cycle, America is about due for a Caesar. But because this is
America, Caesar may arrive in the form of a reality TV star.
Donald Trump promises to Make America Great Again. His appeal, which
Peter Brimelow described as “kingly,” is revolutionary. It is
revolutionary precisely because it dispenses with the usual American
What Donald Trump says could apply to any country. Behind the
rhetoric and bravura, the heart of Trump’s case is that the United
States is being exploited by crafty foreigners and let down by stupid
leaders. Our soldiers are used as pawns in overseas military adventures
that don’t serve our interests. Our workers are being crushed by
catastrophic trade agreements. Our future is being given away to
immigrants who are taking away our country right out from under us. “We
have to stop being the stupid country,” Trump always says.
This appeal could be made by any other charismatic leader of any
other country. Rather than saying America is “exceptional,” Trump is
saying we are a country like any other, one losing the global
competition for power and wealth. There’s nothing inherent about America
that makes it “great” — it takes decisive action and bold leadership to
defeat our enemies and restore our power. Trump makes many
conservatives uncomfortable because implicit in his approach is the idea
that it’s possible for America to lose.
It’s possible if he’s not the leader anyway. Trump promises a strong
and great country we will all be “so proud” to be a part of. “I want to
do something very special,” he says, as if being the most powerful man
in the world will be a sacrifice for him. This will include bringing
back the “dignity” of the Office itself. He writes in Crippled America: “The
president is the spokesperson for democracy and liberty. Isn’t it time
we brought back the pomp and circumstance, and the sense of awe for that
office that we all held?” Trump is offering himself not just as a
problem solver, but as a kind of constitutional monarch and a unifying figure.
But contra the claims of some of the more excitable elements of
Conservatism Inc., Trump’s imperial style doesn’t make him a dictator.
He’s promised to work with Democratic leaders and cut deals. For this,
he’s been attacked by the same conservatives who call him a tyrant in
waiting in the next breath.
In his own way, Trump is trying to build a national policy consensus.
He says he will provide health care to the poorest among us, which
conservatives turned into an accusation of supporting
“Obamacare.” Unlike many conservatives, Trump has argued against
raising the retirement age on Social Security and has no patience for
slashing those programs which actually benefit his own supporters.
Trump’s foreign policy promises an unsentimental defense of our own
national interest, rather than the crusading idealism of George W. Bush.
When it comes to political correctness, immigration, guns, and taxes,
Trump outdoes just about any “movement conservative,” but when it comes
to spending, he’s a moderate who believes in some form of a common good,
rather than Margaret Thatcher’s sneer that “there is no such thing as
society.” Rather than that of Ronald Reagan, Trump’s conservatism is
that of Bismarck.
Interestingly, Trump is appealing to people as Americans — black,
white, Hispanic, men, and women. He’s using identity politics, but
pro-American identity politics, something almost unheard of. He speaks
in terms of our collective interest and distinguishes it from the
interests of foreigners whose interests he regards as irrelevant. When
confronted by Left-wing protesters, Trump shakes his head sadly,
wondering aloud about those misguided souls who don’t want America to be
strong and great. Trump is a “citizenist” who views Americans as an organic community to be privileged and protected by “their” government against the Ausländer
to whom we owe nothing. And we can trust Trump, it’s implied, because
his massive ego is now identified with that of the nation itself. “My
whole life is about winning, and now I want to do that for America,” he
What’s amazing is not how well this is working, but how much trouble
he’s having. American conservatives have turned on him with savage fury.
Their incoherent critique against him largely hinges on Trump’s
to mouth the usual pieties about “the Constitution” and “freedom” which
the Beltway Right doesn’t even believe. Trump’s tax plan alone shows he
is hardly some populist demagogue. While conservatives downplay
existential issues like immigration, we are told Trump must be rejected
because of his support for ethanol subsidies and eminent domain, both of
which will remain in place regardless of who is elected to the Oval
It’s also striking how many conservatives have openly said they would
rather lose than have him be the nominee. A key talking point of the
emerging Alt Right is that the American conservative movement has failed
to “conserve” anything important throughout its history, including
traditional values, limited government, and the country itself.
Conservatism Inc. has confirmed it is designed to lose. Or more
accurately, the Beltway Right believes it is impossible for
conservatives to lose. Even if there was a President Bernie Sanders
holding court over a 100 percent Socialist Congress, we’d be reading in National Review how America is still a “center-right nation.”
Not only is America not a “center-right nation,” its “Right wing”
political tradition seems indifferent to the nation itself. Trump’s
leading primary challengers, Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz, are not even
American in terms of heritage or mindset. Cruz was not born in the
country, and for all his recitations of the Constitution, may not even
be eligible to be President. To Cruz, the country is simply the subject
of a laboratory experiment for his abstract creed of “limited
government.” Cruz’s strange combination of Third World Catholicism and
degenerate American evangelism means this Princeton/Harvard lawyer
backed by Wall Street money LARPs as a kind of 21st century Billy
Sunday. His crazed father tells the rubes his son is an “anointed king”
who will return the nation to God. But Ted seems to have no particular
interest in the country he’s adopted, viewing it merely as a vehicle for
his own ambitions. And his own wife is part of a movement to abolish the country altogether.
While Cruz is indifferent, Rubio is actively hostile to the country’s core population. He’s assisted major corporations, especially Disney, in replacing his own constituents. He betrayed
the conservatives who put him into the office almost moments after
winning his election. He’s gleeful about plunging the country into
another disastrous war in the Middle East, this time with Russia. Rubio
represents the return of George W. Bush style neoconservatism, now with a
white Cuban faux “Latino” as the Shabbos goy instead of a faux evangelical cowboy. As with Lindsey Graham, one can’t help but suspect “they” have something on him.
Jeb Bush is still in contention, but even a picture of him is
self-discrediting. He’ simply a caricature of WASP decadence given life.
Conservatives know neither Cruz nor Rubio would actually do much in office. As Cruz’s supporters
in Iowa said, they wanted someone who “shares their values.” They take
the hostility of every person he’s ever worked with as proof that he’s
“principled.” Rubio’s supporters, especially the consultants, seem to
believe he can “win,” and what he does after that is essentially
Yet what could a President Trump really do? In the unlikely scenario
Trump wins, we’ll paper over the hole where our national soul should be
with big projects designed to conceal the decline. True, the Great Wall
of Trump would be a glorious symbol
of our national will to survive. Unfortunately, unless we repatriate
post-1965 non-white immigrants, legal and illegal, the demographic
damage is already done.
One positive effect is the conservative movement would be
reconstituted along nationalist lines, but without confronting
demographic issues directly, there would be almost no way to reverse the
underlying causes of American decline. Trump himself has said he would
not challenge anti-white racial preferences and aside from immigration,
would leave the multicultural spoils system essentially untouched.
While Trump has undoubtedly fueled the rise of the Alt Right, in
office, he might function as a safety valve rather than an accelerant.
Like Putin, Trump would impose a vaguely conservative, patriotic veneer
on a state with crumbling ethnic foundations. It’s not that Trump is
“pro-white”; it’s that he’s not anti-white, which makes him far Right in the current political context.
The best that can be said about him is that we don’t fully know what
he’d do, meaning that unlike literally every other candidate, there’s
at least a chance he won’t try make our lives worse. Besides, as every
Alt Right supporter of Trump knows, it’s not necessarily what the
would-be Emperor himself would do, it’s what he would lead to — a
legitimate, nationalist American Right.
Naturally, American nationalism is far more appealing to
European-Americans than White Nationalism. “Whiteness” is a foreign idea
to many whites. But we are now in a position where whites are being
forcibly enrolled in what is a state church with no salvation. To be
white is to be racist, full stop. Granted, many whites (like Elizabeth
Warren for example) will simply stop calling themselves white and
suddenly rediscover whatever miniscule nonwhite heritage they have. Many
Hispanics who would have been considered “white” in years past now
aggressively demand their membership as part of an “oppressed” group,
and other “minorities” are eager to follow suit. Even Asians say they’re
But there still need to be some white men left to pay the bills. And as we see with the attempted cleansing of Haitians from the Dominican Republic recently, even when there are no “whites” left, racial tensions don’t go away.
The good news is that the System has to force white identity on white
Americans, even if they resist it. Concepts like “white privilege”
don’t work otherwise. The bad news is that the increasingly overt
anti-white hysteria is likely to dramatically increase in the years
Trump reveals, as a Maoist would say, the contradictions within the
System. Trump dismisses the propaganda that America is somehow an
exception to the laws of history. For America to “win and win and win”
as he promises, it requires a nationalist approach in which our
government aggressively privileges our own citizens over foreigners.
But that mostly means white people. The dominant ideology of egalitarianism requires that not only should white people not
be protected by our government, they should be punished. At the same
time, the American government relies on the very same white people it is
so eager to dispossess for its terrifying economic and military power.
Trump reconciles the contradiction. He invites all Americans to
participate in his quest to make the country “great.” But because
America itself is built on an egalitarian lie and denies the ethnic
basis for its own concreate existence, a Trump regime can only delay the
inevitable. It might even hasten it, as the anti-white identity
politics of the Left will be accelerated under a Trump presidency, as
the universities and liberal city governments will practically be in
Both the American creed of universal classical liberalism and Trump’s
civil nationalism rely on a white majority. Without explicit white
identity politics to safeguard the core population, American can never
be great again, let alone greater than it has ever been, as Trump
And who knows? Trump is such a singular actor he might move in that direction.
But regardless of what Trump does or does not do, the only future for
the American Right is identity politics. In the more likely
scenario Trump doesn’t win, it’s the end for conservatism. Even if a
Republican candidate won the White House, Rubio, Bush, and probably Cruz
would promptly work with the Paul Ryan Congress to pass amnesty, thus
ensuring conservatism’s permanent extinction.
A populist message of national revival built on an America First
approach to trade, immigration, and foreign policy can build a long term
winning coalition and give the USA a longer lease on life. As other
observers have noted, Trump has tapped into a powerful nationalist force
percolating on the Right for many years.
The whole point of the conservative movement is to take this force
and funnel it into pointless and defeatist causes. Meanwhile, the
concrete interests of the donor class (and the Jewish lobby) are
protected. At this point, the Beltway Right is barely bothering to
conceal the fact that conservatism is just a scam. The people involved
know it is a scam, and the well-meaning lower middle class goobers
babbling about the Constitution are simply functioning as useful idiots.
Even more importantly, absent Trump, it’s the end of Americanism. Despite the universalism and claim that there is no “Them”
in American conservatism, only whites really believe in Americanism. As
demographics change, there is no longer a market for Americanism beyond
Glenn Beck-style hucksterism and deeply cynical neocon appeals for
“America” to fight Russia. If a billionaire with a massive media
megaphone, a celebrity following cultivated over decades, and direct
access to millions of Americans can’t break this quarantine on
nationalism, no one can. The Donald is a Trump ex machina, and
his movement ends with him. The demographics are such that a project of
“nationalist” revival becomes impossible, as well as undesirable, in a
matter of years.
So where does that leave whites? Today, whites exist as a group in a
negative sense. They are a force of privilege and oppression, a
malevolent enemy to the larger world. However, we have no objective
existence — “whiteness” is an illusion created by capitalism or an
oppressive class system. We therefore have no legitimate group
In contrast, other groups (including Jews) do have legitimate group
interests. They also have an objective biologically determined
existence, as shown by the Leftist fury directed at Rachel Dolezal. What
People of Color lack is agency. Regardless of their numbers, wealth, or
state institutions they control, they cannot be racist or sexist
because they “lack power.” Even Jews masquerade as an “oppressed” group.
People of color and Jews are devoid of moral responsibility, mascots
for enlightened whites to use to atone for their existence.
To put it another way, whites are in the position of the Third Estate
at the beginning of the French Revolution. What are whites in the
American system? Everything, in terms of the core culture, the source of
political power, and the fount of political legitimacy (as they created
But what are they in the political and social order explicitly? Nothing.
What is our job? To make them something.
And to do that may require a process akin to the French Revolution.
Trump is an opportunity for the System to save itself by giving
whites a sense they are tied to the existing System. If Trump goes down,
it means whites truly have no stake in the existing political order nor
any legitimate means of political expression. But even if he wins, it’s
only a temporary reprieve for the United States and for
European-Americans. Culturally and historically, whites will never
surrender their sense of ownership of United States, whatever regime
rules it. But this is simply nostalgia. The foundation of the entire
existing political order is the systematic exploitation, dispossession,
and eventual eradication of whites.
For Beltway “conservatives,” whites are simply raw material to be
used for their ideological agenda or cogs in a cheap labor machine. For
the Left, whites are the eternal enemy that unites their Coalition of
the Fringes in an everlasting crusade of hatred. Donald Trump promises
to stop the “assault” on the historic American nation. He’s the last
American because he’s the last politician who will ever appeal to the
core American population, in the name of the old American order, through
the old democratic means.
Regardless if he ever wins a single primary, let alone the election,
Donald Trump is already a transformational figure. He reveals the System
is incapable of saving itself, and European-Americans should plan for
what comes next.